Thesis On Migrant Child Labour

Thesis On Migrant Child Labour-18
The tension between, on the one hand, a universal image of childhood embodied for example in the UNCRC and rooted in what Hart terms ‘the project of saving the children’ (Hart, 2006) and, on the other hand, more contextualised, culturally-aware and localised accounts of childhood which challenge the ‘seeming naturalness of a conceptual boundary between childhood and adulthood’ (idem: 7) is recognised in the literature (Boyden 1997, James and Prout 1997, Baker and Hinton 2001, Punch 2003, Heissler 2009, Sigona and Hughes 2010).

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Back to top Defining who is a child and who is an irregular migrant is not straightforward.

If we take the definition adopted by the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) as a starting point, a child is ‘every human being below the age of 18 years unless under the law applicable to the child, majority is attained earlier’ (Art 1).

they can legally reside in the UK but work illegally).

In the policy realm, Woodbridge’s study (2005) for the Home Office singles out three distinct categories of irregular immigrants: illegal entrants, overstayers and failed asylum seekers.

The tension between these two policy agendas – that is ensuring the protection of children vis-à-vis controlling immigration – is producing a diverse range of policies and practices, and has significant implications for local authorities and service providers, particularly in relation to the provision of education and healthcare, as well as on minors’ vulnerability in employment as a result of their non-status.

This policy primer first discusses definitional issues and their policy implications.We use cookies to make interactions with our website easy and meaningful, to better understand the use of our services, and to tailor advertising.For further information, including about cookie settings, please read our Cookie Policy .To learn more or modify/prevent the use of cookies, see our Cookie Policy and Privacy Policy. This includes an estimated 214 million international migrants and an estimated 740 million internal migrants.As Ruhs and Anderson (2010) argue, the partition of migrants into two mutually exclusive and jointly exhaustive parts – either ‘legal’ or ‘illegal’ – dominant in political and public discourse is neither clear in practice, nor conforms to migrants’ own experiences and conceptions of their status.Migrants often move between different statuses over time, and that they can be regular in one sense and irregular in another (e.g.In the coming years an unprecedented number of young people are expected to follow this massive exodus and shift population dynamics further, driven by demographic factors, economic disparity, violent conflict, state failure, natural disasters, and resource and environmental pressures, especially climate change.Though migration can be a positive experience for children and can provide them with a better life, increased opportunities and an escape from immediate threats such as forced marriage, conflict and natural disaster, child migrants can face serious challenges while migrating.And yet, governments are obliged to offer such protection as per Article 2.1 of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child which states that “Every child without discrimination of any kind, irrespective of the child’s or his/her parents or legal guardian’s race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national, ethnic or social origin, property, disability, birth or other status is born with the same rights” A related topic that also requires attention is how migration of parents who leave their children behind affects these children in terms of education and the risk of child labour.Where relevant, IPEC will promote inclusion of such a focus in research on the impact of remittances.

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